経産省前脱原発テント日誌(7/24)ファ−ストの行方
Zero Knowledge Proofs Alone Are Not a Digital ID Solution to Protecting User Privacy
In the past few years, governments across the world have rolled out digital identification options, and now there are efforts encouraging online companies to implement identity and age verification requirements with digital ID in mind. This blog is the first in this short series that will explain digital ID and the pending use case of age verification. The following posts will evaluate what real protections we can implement with current digital ID frameworks and discuss how better privacy and controls can keep people safer online.
Age verification measures are having a moment, with policymakers in the U.S. and around the world passing legislation mandating online services and companies to introduce technologies that require people to verify their identities to access content deemed appropriate for their age. But for most people, having physical government documentation like a driver's license, passport, or other ID is not a simple binary of having it or not. Physical ID systems involve hundreds of factors that impact their accuracy and validity, and everyday situations occur where identification attributes can change, or an ID becomes invalid or inaccurate or needs to be reissued: addresses change, driver’s licenses expire or have suspensions lifted, or temporary IDs are issued in lieu of obtaining permanent identification.
The digital ID systems currently being introduced potentially solve some problems like identity fraud for business and government services, but leave the holder of the digital ID vulnerable to the needs of the companies collecting such information. State and federal embrace of digital ID is based on claims of faster access, fraud prevention, and convenience. But with digital ID being proposed as a means of online verification, it is just as likely to block claims of public assistance and other services as facilitate them. That’s why legal protections are as important as the digital IDs themselves. To add to this, in places that lack comprehensive data privacy legislation, verifiers are not heavily restricted in what they can and can’t ask the holder. In response, some privacy mechanisms have been suggested and few have been made mandatory, such as the promise that a feature called Zero Knowledge Proofs (ZKPs) will easily solve the privacy aspects of sharing ID attributes.
Zero Knowledge Proofs: The Good NewsThe biggest selling point of modern digital ID offerings, especially to those seeking to solve mass age verification, is being able to incorporate and share something called a Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) for a website or mobile application to verify ID information, and not have to share the ID itself or information explicitly on it. ZKPs provide a cryptographic way to not give something away, like your exact date of birth and age from your ID, instead offering a “yes-or-no” claim (like above or below 18) to a verifier requiring a legal age threshold. More specifically, two properties of ZKPs are “soundness” and “zero knowledge.” Soundness is appealing to verifiers and governments to make it hard for an ID holder to present forged information (the holder won’t know the “secret”). Zero-Knowledge can be beneficial to the holder, because they don’t have to share explicit information like a birth date, just cryptographic proof that said information exists and is valid. There have been recent announcements from major tech companies like Google who plan to integrate ZKPs for age verification and “where appropriate in other Google products”.
Zero Knowledge Proofs: The Bad NewsWhat ZKPs don’t do is mitigate verifier abuse or limit their requests, such as over-asking for information they don’t need or limiting the number of times they request your age over time. They don’t prevent websites or applications from collecting other kinds of observable personally identifiable information like your IP address or other device information while interacting with them.
ZKPs are a great tool for sharing less data about ourselves over time or in a one time transaction. But this doesn’t do a lot about the data broker industry that already has massive, existing profiles of data on people. We understand that this was not what ZKPs for age verification were presented to solve. But it is still imperative to point out that utilizing this technology to share even more about ourselves online through mandatory age verification establishes a wider scope for sharing in an already saturated ecosystem of easily linked, existing personal information online. Going from presenting your physical ID maybe 2-3 times a week to potentially proving your age to multiple websites and apps every day online is going to render going online itself as a burden at minimum and a barrier entirely at most for those who can’t obtain an ID.
Protecting The Way ForwardMandatory age verification takes the potential privacy benefits of mobile ID and proposed ZKPs solutions, then warps them into speech chilling mechanisms.
Until the hard questions of power imbalances for potentially abusive verifiers and prevention of phoning home to ID issuers are addressed, these systems should not be pushed forward without proper protections in place. A more private, holder-centric ID is more than just ZKPs as a catch all for privacy concerns. The case of safety online is not solved through technology alone, and involves multiple, ongoing conversations. Yes, that sounds harder to do than age checks online for everyone. Maybe, that’s why this is so tempting to implement. However, we encourage policy and law makers to look into what is best, and not what is easy.
[B] 韓国オプティカルハイテック闘争に終わらない光州民主化闘争を見る
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月20日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月24日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月27日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月27日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(7月1日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(7月4日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(7月11日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月6日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月13日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月17日)議事要旨
令和7年度地方財政審議会(6月20日)議事要旨
Canada’s Bill C-2 Opens the Floodgates to U.S. Surveillance
The Canadian government is preparing to give away Canadians’ digital lives—to U.S. police, to the Donald Trump administration, and possibly to foreign spy agencies.
Bill C-2, the so-called Strong Borders Act, is a sprawling surveillance bill with multiple privacy-invasive provisions. But the thrust is clear: it’s a roadmap to aligning Canadian surveillance with U.S. demands.
It’s also a giveaway of Canadian constitutional rights in the name of “border security.” If passed, it will shatter privacy protections that Canadians have spent decades building. This will affect anyone using Canadian internet services, including email, cloud storage, VPNs, and messaging apps.
A joint letter, signed by dozens of Canadian civil liberties groups and more than a hundred Canadian legal experts and academics, puts it clearly: Bill C-2 is “a multi-pronged assault on the basic human rights and freedoms Canada holds dear,” and “an enormous and unjustified expansion of power for police and CSIS to access the data, mail, and communication patterns of people across Canada.”
Bill C-2 isn’t just a domestic surveillance bill. It’s a Trojan horse for U.S. law enforcement—quietly building the pipes to ship Canadians’ private data straight to Washington.
If Bill C-2 passes, Canadian police and spy agencies will be able to demand information about peoples’ online activities based on the low threshold of “reasonable suspicion.” Companies holding such information would have only five days to challenge an order, and blanket immunity from lawsuits if they hand over data.
Police and CSIS, the Canadian intelligence service, will be able to find out whether you have an online account with any organization or service in Canada. They can demand to know how long you’ve had it, where you’ve logged in from, and which other services you’ve interacted with, with no warrant required.
The bill will also allow for the introduction of encryption backdoors. Forcing companies to surveil their customers is allowed under the law (see part 15), as long as these mandates don’t introduce a “systemic vulnerability”—a term the bill doesn’t even bother to define.
The information gathered under these new powers is likely to be shared with the United States. Canada and the U.S. are currently negotiating a misguided agreement to share law enforcement information under the US CLOUD Act.
The U.S. and U.K. put a CLOUD Act deal in place in 2020, and it hasn’t been good for users. Earlier this year, the U.K. home office ordered Apple to let it spy on users’ encrypted accounts. That security risk caused Apple to stop offering U.K. users certain advanced encryption features, and lawmakers and officials in the United States have raised concerns that the UK’s demands might have been designed to leverage its expanded CLOUD Act powers.
If Canada moves forward with Bill C-2 and a CLOUD Act deal, American law enforcement could demand data from Canadian tech companies in secrecy—no notice to users would be required. Companies could also expect gag orders preventing them from even mentioning they have been forced to share information with US agencies.
This isn’t speculation. Earlier this month, a Canadian government official told Politico that this surveillance regime would give Canadian police “the same kind of toolkit” that their U.S. counterparts have under the PATRIOT Act and FISA. The bill allows for “technical capability orders.” Those orders mean the government can force Canadian tech companies, VPNs, cloud providers, and app developers—regardless of where in the world they are based—to build surveillance tools into their products.
Under U.S. law, non-U.S. persons have little protection from foreign surveillance. If U.S. cops want information on abortion access, gender-affirming care, or political protests happening in Canada—they’re going to get it. The data-sharing won’t necessarily be limited to the U.S., either. There’s nothing to stop authoritarian states from demanding this new trove of Canadians’ private data that will be secretly doled out by its law enforcement agencies.
EFF joins the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, OpenMedia, researchers at Citizen Lab, and dozens of other Canadian organizations and experts in asking the Canadian federal government to withdraw Bill C-2.
Further reading:
- Joint letter opposing Bill C-2, signed by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, OpenMedia, and dozens of other Canadian groups
- CCLA blog calling for withdrawal of Bill C-2
- The Citizen Lab (University of Toronto) report on Canadian CLOUD Act deal
- The Citizen Lab report on Bill C-2
- EFF one-pager and blog on problems with the CLOUD Act, published before the bill was made law in 2018